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FOR 1 8 G O . 



EIGHT PORTRAITS KNGRAVED ON STEEL, FACTS IN THE LIFE OF EACH, 
THE FOUR PLATFORMS, THE CINCINNATI PLATFORM, 



THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



J. C. BUTTRE, 48 FRANKLIN STREET, 
1860. 



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POETKAITS 



SKETCHES OF THE LIVES 



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FOR I860. 



COMPRISING 

EIGHT PORTRAITS ENGRAVED ON STEEL, FACTS IN THE LIFE OF EACH, 
THE FOUR PLATFORMS, THE CINCINNATI PLATFORM, 



THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



^ ■» » «. »■ 



J. C. BUTTRE, 48 FRANKLIN STREET. 



1860. 

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FTJBLISHED BT JC.BUTTBJ;, 48 FRAI^KLIK ST. 1530112:, 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 

OF ILLINOIS. 



Abraham Lincoln was born in Hardin county, Kentucky, 
February 12, 1809, and is now 51 years old. His parents 
were born in Virginia, and Averc of very moderate circum- 
stances. His paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigra- 
ted from Rockingham county, Va., to Kentucky, about 1781, 
'82, where, a year or two later, he was killed by Indians. His 
ancestors, who were respectable members of the Society of 
Friends, went to Virginia from Berks county, Pennsylvania. 
Thomas, the father of the present subject, by the early death 
of his father, and very narrow circumstances of his mother, 
even in childhood, was a wandering, laboring boy, and grew 
up literally without education. He married Nancy Hanks, 
mother of the present subject, in 1806. The family removed 
from Kentucky to Spencer county, in Indiana, in the autumn 
of 1816, Abraham being then in his eighth year. 

Mr. Lincoln received a limited education. Probably six 
months in all, of the rudest sort of schooling, comprehends 
the whole of his technical education. He was in turn a farm 
laborer, a common workman in a saw-mill, and a boatman 
on the Wabash and Mississippi rivers. Thus hard work and 
plenty of it, the rugged experiences of aspiring poverty, the 
wild sports and rude games of a newly and thinly peopled 
forest region — the education born of the log-cabin,^ the rifle, 
the axe, and the plough, combined with the reflections of an 
original and vigorous mind, eager in the pursuit of knowledge 
by every available means, and developing a character of equal 
resource and firmness, made him the man he has since proved 
himself 

At twenty-one he pushed further west into Illinois, which 
has for the last thirty years been his home, living always near, 
and, for some years past, in Springfield, the State Capital. 
He worked on a farm, as a hired man, his first year in Illi- 



4 ABEAHAM LINCOLN. 

nois ; the next year he was a clerk in a store ; then volun- 
teered for the Black-Hawk war, and was chosen a caj^tain by 
his company ; the next year he was an unsuccessful candi- 
date for the Legislature ; he was chosen the next, and served 
four sessions with eminent usefulness and steadily increasing 
reputation ; studied law, meantime, and took his place at 
the bar ; was early recognized as a most effective and con- 
vincing advocate, before the people, of Whig principles and 
the Protective policy, and of their illustrious embodiment, 
Henry Clay ; was a Whig candidate for Elector in nearly or 
quite every Presidential contest from 1836 to 1852, inclusive ; 
was chosen to the Thirtieth Congress, from the Central Dis- 
trict of Illinois, in 1846, and served to its close, but was not 
a candidate for re-election ; and in 1849, measurably with- 
drew from politics and devoted himself to the practice of his 
profession until the Nebraska Bill, of 1854, called him again 
into tlie political arena. He was the candidate of the Whigs 
for United States Senator before the Legislature chosen that 
year ; but they were not a majority of the body ; so he de- 
clined, and urged his friends to support Judge Trumbull, the 
candidate of the anti-Nebraska Democrats, who was thus 
elected. 

In the gallant and memorable Presidential contest of 1856, 
Mr. Lincoln's name headed the Fremont Electoral Ticket of 
Illinois. In 1858, he was unanimously designated by the 
Republican State Convention to succeed Mr. Douglas in the 
Senate ; and thereupon canvassed the State against Mr. 
Douglas, with an ability in which logic, art, eloquence, and 
thorough good-nature were alike conspicuous, and which 
gave him a national reputation. Mr. Douglas secured a pre- 
dominance in the Legislature and was elected, though Mr. 
Lincoln had the larger popular vote. 

In personal appearance Mr. Lincoln is long, lean, and wiry. 
In motion he has a great deal of the elasticity and awkward- 
ness which indicate the rough training of his early life. His 
face is genial looking. His hair is dark, tinged with gray, 
a good forehead, small eyes, a long nose, and a large mouth, 
which is probably the most expressive feature of his face. 
His height is six feet three inches. He is a man of the Peo- 
ple, raised by his own genius and integrity from the humblest 
to the highest position, having made himself an honored 
name, as a lawyer, an advocate, a popular orator, a states- 
man, and a man. 




/CL-'Z^-i^ 



PITBLISHED BT J^C, BUTTaS, 48 i'RAITKLTN BT I^T YOHX, 



HANNIBAL HAMLIN 

OF MAINE. 



Hannibal Hamlin was born in Paris, Oxford county, 
Maine, August 27tli, 1809, and is now in the fifty-first year 
of his age. He is by profession a lawyer, hut for the last 
twenty-four years has spent most of the time in political 
life. From 1836 to 1840, he was a member of the legislature 
of Maine, and for three of those years was Speaker of its 
House of Representatives. In 1843 he was elected a member 
of Congress, and re-elected for the following term. In 1847 
he was again a member of the House of Representatives of 
the State Legislature. He was elected to the United States 
Senate, May 26th, 1848, for four years, to fill a vacancy oc- 
casioned by the death of John Fairfield. He was re-elected 
for the full term in the same body, July 25th, 1851, and 
elected Governor of Maine, January 7th, 1857, resigning his 
seat in the Senate, and being inaugurated Governor the same 
day. On the 16th of the same montli he was again elected 
to the United States Senate, for six years, which office he ac- 
cepted, and resigned the ofiice of Governor. 

He is now a United States Senator from Maine, and a 
member of the Committee on Commerce and on the District 
of Columbia. This record is an evidence of the confidence 
with which he has always been regarded by his fellow-citizens 
In Maine. 

Up to the time of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill, in 1854, Mr. Hamlin was a member of the Democratic 
party. That act he regarded as a proof that the party with 
which he had been all his life connected, no longer deserved 
the name of democratic, and was treacherous to the princi- 
ples he had so long cherished. He changed his politics, in a 
speech in the Senate, on the Nebraska bill, and thenceforward 
gave his support to the Republican party, of which he has 
ever since continued a faithful and distinguished leader. 

Mr. Hamlin is a man of dignified presence, of solid abili- 
ties, of unflinching integrity, and great executive talent. 



KEPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 



REPUBLICAN PLATFOEM 

PUT FORTH AT CinCAGO, MAT 18, 1860. 



Eesolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Repub- 
lican Electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in the 
discharo-e of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, 
unite in the following declarations: 

1 . That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has 
fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization 
and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes wdiich 
called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more 
than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 

2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the 
Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Consti- 
tution, is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; 
that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union 
of the States, must and shall be preserved ; and that we reassert 
"these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, 
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." 

3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprece- 
dented increase in population; its surprising development of ma- 
terial resources ; its rapid augmentation of Avealth ; its happiness at 
home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes 
for disunion, come from whatever source ifcey may ; and we congrat- 
ulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has ut- 
tered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo- 
cratic members of Congress without rebuke, and with applause from 
their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, 
in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the 
vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contem- 
plated treason, Avhich it is the imperative duty of an indignant peo- 
ple strongly to rebuke and forever silence. 

4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and 
especially the right of each State to order and control its own do- 
mestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is 



REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 7 

essential to that balance of power on wliieli the perfection and en- 
durance of our political faith depends ; and wo denounce the lawless 
invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 

5. That the present Democratic Administration lias far exceeded 
our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the ex- 
actions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate 
exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon tlie 
protesting people of Kansas — in construing the personal relation 
between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in 
persons — in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea. 
through the intervention of Congress and the Federal Courts, of the 
extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and 
unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people. 

G. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava- 
gance which pervades every department of the Federal Government ; 
that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to 
arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored parti- 
sans ; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corrup- 
tion at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of admin- 
istration is imperatively demanded. 

7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, 
carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, 
is a dangerous jiolitical heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions 
of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with 
legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency and 
subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 

8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United 
States is that of freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they 
abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person 
should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation 
is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against 
all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, 
of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal ex- 
istence to slavery in any Territory of the United States. 

9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave-trade, 
under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial 
power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country 
and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient 
measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 

10. That in their recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the 
acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery 
in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted 
Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, 
embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of 
the deception and fraud involved therein. 

11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a 



8 REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

State, under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her 
people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 

12. That while providing revenue for the support of the General 
Government by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an 
adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the 
industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that 
policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men 
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and 
manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter- 
prise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. 

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of 
the public lands h<M by actual settlers, and against any view of the 
free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppli- 
cants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of 
the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already 
passed the House. 

14. That the Kepublican party is opposed to any change in our 
naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of 
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall 
be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient 
protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or 
naturalized, both at home and abroad. 

15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor im- 
provements, of a national character, required for the accommodation 
and security of an existing commei'ce, are authorized by the Consti- 
tution, and justified by an obligation of the government to protect 
the lives and property of its citizens. 

1 6. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded 
by the interests of the whole country ; that the Federal Government 
ou<^ht to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and 
that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly 
established. 

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and 
views, we invite the co-operatiun of all citizens, however differing on 
other questions, who substantially agree with us, in their affirmance 
and support. 




•r.c^' 



JOHN BELL, 

OF TENNESSEE. 



Hon. John Bell was born near Nashville, Tennessee, on 
the 15th of February, 1797. 

Entering Cumberland College, afterward the Nashville 
University, young Bell graduated in 1816, and two years 
afterward had mastered his legal studies and was admitted to 
the bar. In 1817, when but twenty years of age, he was 
elected a State Senator. 

In 1826 he became a candidate for Congress and was 
elected. By successive elections he continued a member of 
the House of Representatives for fourteen years. 

He entered Congress a warm admirer of Mr. Calhoun, and 
strongly opposed to the protective system, against which he 
made a speech in 1832. Subsequent investigations and re- 
flection induced him to change his opinions on that subject. 
He was opposed to the appropriation of money by the general 
government for roads and canals in the States, except in the 
case of some great road for military purposes, like the Pacific 
railroad, and in favor of the policy of improving the great 
rivers and lake harbors. With all his apparent admiration 
for Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Bell opposed the South Carolina doc- 
trine of nullification, and was made chairman of the Judiciary 
Committee of the House of Representatives, with special 
reference to the questions connected with that subject which 
might have to be considered and reported on. For ten years 
he was chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

He was in favor of a United States Bank, though he voted 
against the bill for its recharter, in 1832, because, as it is alleged, 
he believed that' the subject was brought up at that time — 
four years before the expiration of the old charter — merely to 
defeat General Jackson in the ensuing Presidential election, 
and because he was afraid the President would veto the bill. 
He protested against the removal of the deposits, and refused 



10 JOHN BELL. 

to vote for a resolution approving that measure. This refusal 
was one of the causes which led to the subsequent breach be- 
tween himself and President Jackson and the Democratic 
party, and finally to his co-oj)eration with the Whigs. This 
change of party relations was much accelerated by his election 
to the speakership of the House of Representatives, in 1834, 

In June of that year Mr. Stevenson resigned the chair up- 
on being nominated minister to Great Britain, and Mr. Bell 
was elected to succeed him. Mr. Bell was supported by the 
Whigs and a portion of the Democratic party who were op- 
posed to the intended nomination of Martin Van Buren as 
successor to General Jackson. The principal ground of Mr. 
Bell's opposition to Mr. Van Buren was his strong disapprov- 
al of the system of removals from subordinate offices for 
political reasons. The final separation between Mr. Bell and 
Gen. Jackson took place in 1835, when Mr. Bell declared himself 
in favor of Judge White for the Presidency, in opposition to 
Mr. Van Buren. Judge White carried the State by a 
large majority, and Mr. Bell was re-elected to Congress. An 
impulse was given to the political character of Tennessee, 
which arrayed in its opposition to the Democracy during the 
four succeeding Presidential elections, 1840-'44-'48-'52. 

When the reception of petitions for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia was agitated in the House 
of Representatives, in 1836, Mr. Bell alone, of the Tennessee 
delegation, favored their reception. Subsequently, in 1838, 
when Atherton's resolutions were iDtroduced, proposing to re- 
ceive and lay these petitions on the table, he maintained his 
consistency by voting in the negative. 

General Harrison, when elected President, invited Mr. 
Bell to enter his Cabinet as Secretary of War, a position 
which he resigned after Mr. Tyler became President. He 
was then tendered a seat in the Senate, but declined in favor 
of Mr. Foster. In 1847 he was elected, and in 1853 re- 
elQcted, a United States Senator from Tennessee ; and his 
course in favor of the compromise measures, the internal im- 
provement bills, the increase of our steam navy, a Pacific 
railroad, agricultural colleges, and other similar measures, 
was as marked as was his opposition to the Nebraska Bill, the 
Lecompton Constitution, extravagant expenditures, and 
threats of disunion. 

Since his retirement from public life he has resided at his 
home in Nashville, where his acccomplished wife and daugh- 
ters are ever ready to join him in extending genuine Tennes- 
see hospitality to their numerous friends. 




-^'/ ^ 



r 



PUBUSaED BY J.Ca-nTrRE, 48 FRAJSTKLIH- S T. ms^xOiffi, 



EDWARD EVERETT, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 



Mr. Everett was born at Dorchester, Massachusetts, in 
1794. The son of a New-England clergyman, he was edu- 
cated with the care which such a father Avas likely to bestow 
on his son. So precocious was he, that at thirteen he matric- 
ulated at Harvard, and graduated with honors four years 
later. His aptitude as a linguist was so notorious that the 
ruling powers of Harvard College kept their eye on him ; and 
soon after he left the University, before he was twenty-one, he 
was offered the professorship of Greek, with the condition 
that, if he accepted it, he must spend some years in European 
travel, in order to lit himself for his duties. 

In 1819, Mr. Everett entered upon the discharge of his 
duties as Professor of Greek ; and shortly afterward, the 
editorship of the North American Review falling vacant, he 
assumed charge of that journal, and raised it to high rank in 
literature. 

In 1824, when Mr. Everett was thirty years of age, he be- 
gan, simultaneously, his career as a politician and as an ora- 
tor. An oration which he delivered in presence of the vener- 
able Lafayette, in that year, attracted universal attention to 
his extraordinary powers ; and from that time forth he be- 
came one of the leading orators of the country. In the same 
year he was sent to Congress from Middlesex. In the House 
he was chiefly noted for his industrious habits and vast learn- 
ing. He was an invaluable man on committees. On all 
debates of importance his voice was heard ; but he never 
sought to make speeches for the sake of hearing his own 
voice. What he said was brief and to the point. Strangers, 
especially from New-England, frequently thronged the House 
when he was to speak, in the expectation of hearing a grand 
oration, but they were generally disappointed. Mr. Everett 
never made a show of oratory in the House. 



12 EDWARD EVERETT. 

After ten years arduous labor in Congress, Mr, Everett was 
elected Governor of Massachusetts, which office he filled for 
four consecutive years. In 1839 he was again a candidate, 
but was defeated by one vote out of over one hundred thou- 
sand cast. This defeat happily left him free to accept the 
mission to England which was tendered to him by the admin- 
istration of General Harrison, in 1841. 

He was absent for four years, during which time he won 
golden opinions from persons of every class in England. Few 
American statesmen stand as high as Edward Everett in the 
British judgment at the present time. He was described by an 
Englishman as " a man firm and unbending as a rock on import- 
act questions, yet so conciliatory as to lead every one to sup- 
pose that he was ready to yield every point in dispute : keen 
and close in argument, stuffed full of facts, and as obstinate 
a Yankee as you could meet with in a month's journey in 
New-England." 

On his return to this country he assumed the Presidentship 
of his old University at Cambridge. A fortunate marriage 
had happily placed him beyond the necessity of daily labor for 
a livelihood. He was enabled to indulge to his heart's content 
in the studies dear to him, and which are life's best solace. 

Accident disturbed his pleasing labors. On the death of Daniel 
Webster, he was unexpectedly called, by President Fillmore, 
to fill a leading office in the Cabinet — the Secretaryship of 
State. He abandoned his library, and betook himself to the 
drudgery of official life with as much cheerfulness as he had 
displayed when his first public honors burst upon him. His most 
important public act — his letter on the Cuba question — was 
indited and published after his resignation of office ; but the 
character of the man gave it importance ; and there is reason 
to believe that it was not without influence on the minds of 
the leading statesmen in England. A subsequent brief sena- 
torial career justified the expectations which had been enter- 
tained of Mr. Everett. He played the part of a philosopher 
and a sage, and held himself aloof from the petty squabbles 
of politicians. 

His subsequent career has been tranquil. His oration on 
charity ; his oration on Washington, the profits of which are 
destined for the Washington Monument, and which has done 
more for that structure than all the private contributions of 
the public put together ; his oration on Astronomy, at the 
opening of the Albany Geological Hall, in August, 1856, are 
masterpieces of eloquence, which will live for centuries after 
Burke, and Sheridan, and Patrick Henry, and will be learned 
by boys in schools in ages far hidden in the future. 



UNION PLATFORM. 13 



UNION PLATFORM, 

PUT FORTH AT BALTIMOKE, MAY lOfn, 1860. 



Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by 
the partisan conventions of the country have bad the effect to mis- 
lead and deceive the people, and, at the same time, to widen tho 
political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement 
of geographical and sectional parties, therefore. 

Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to rec 
ognize no political principles other than the Constitution of tho 
country, the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws ; 
and, as the representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the 
country, in National Convention assembled, we here pledge ourselves to 
maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great 
principles of public liberty and national safety, against all the enemies 
at home and abroad ; believing, thereby, that peace may once more be 
restored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States 
re-stablished, and the government again placed in that condition of 
j'lstice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and Con- 
stitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United 
States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, secure do- 
mestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the gen- 
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
posterity. 





c^e-^^,,-^^ 



PUBLISH KD li 



'RK, 48 FRAlTKLIliT ST, "MKW TORiC. 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, 

OF ILLINOIS. 



Stephen A. Douglas was bora at Brandon, Rutland 
county, Vemiont, 23d of April, 1813. He is a descendant 
of the great Scotch family of the same name. Dr. Stephen 
A. Douglas, the fother of the statesman of the present day, 
in July, 1813, while holding Stephen in his arms, died sud- 
denly of disease of the heart. 

His earlier days were spent with his mother and sister 
upon a fiirm, hut his mother being left in destitute circum- 
stances, he entered a cabinet shop at Middlebury, in his na- 
tive State, for the purpose of learning the trade. After 
remaining there for several months, he returned to Brandon, 
where he continued for a year at the same calling, but his 
health obliged him to abandon it, and he became a student 
in the academy. His mother having married a second 
time, he followed her to Canandaigua, in the State of New- 
York. Here he pursued the study of the law until his re- 
moval to Cleveland, Ohio, in 1813. From Cleveland, he went 
still fiirther west, and finally settled in Jacksonville, Illinois. 
He was first emi)loyed as clerk to an auctioneer, and after- 
ward kept school, devoting all the time he could spare to the 
study of the law. 

In March, 1834, still lacking one month of being twenty- 
one years old, he was admitted to the bar by the Supreme 
Court, and opened a law office in Jacksonville. He soon be- 
came known as an ardent Democrat, and at the meeting of 
the next Legislature was elected Attorney-General of the 
State. Mr. Douglas was elected and took his seat in the 
Legislature in the winter of 1836-'37. 

In April, 1837, he was appointed, by President Van Buren, 
Register of the Land Office at Springfield. He afterward 
practised his profession. 



16 STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 

In January, 1841, he was appointed Secretary of State ; 
and in February elected a Judge of the Supreme Court. He 
continued as Judge, performing his duties with great and ac- 
knowledged ability until June, 1843, when he was nominated 
for Congress. 

In December, 1843, he took his seat in Congress, being 
several months less than thirty years of age. In 1844 he 
was re-elected by 1,700 majority, and in 1846 by over 3,000 
majority ; but after the last election, and before the com- 
mencement of his term under it, he was elected a Senator of 
the United States. 

Mr. Douglas was an active and ardent supporter of the 
American title up to the line of 54^ 40' on the Oregon boun- 
dary question, and was one of the last to surrender. 

He was also a supporter of the annexation of Texas. Mr. 
Douglas voted steadily, up to 1850, against the reception of 
abolition petitions. He was a firm advocate of the extension 
of the 36° 30' line to the Pacific Ocean. He voted, during 
the same period, against the Wilmot proviso. 

In 1849-50 the Legislature of Illinois instructed him to 
vote for the prohibition of slavery in the Territories ; he 
voted in accordance with these instructions — protesting, how- 
ever, that the votes were not his, but were the votes of those 
who had instructed him. 

He supported the Fugitive Slave Act. In 1854 he pro- 
posed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, repealing the Missouri re- 
striction upon slavery north of 36° 30", on the ground that 
Congress, in 1850, had declared that thenceforth the question 
of slavery in the Territories should be left exclusively to the 
determination of the people settled therein. He carried this 
measure through Congress in the face of all opposition. 

In 1856 Mr. Douglas took the stump in behalf of Mr, 
Buchanan and the Cincinnati platform, and succeeded in se- 
curing the vote of Illinois for the Cincinnati nominees. 

In 1857 the Lecompton controversy arose. Mr. Douglas 
thought that, under a strict adherence to Democratic faith. 
Congress ought not to accept a constitution unless it was the 
act of the people. The President thought differently. The 
Lecompton controversy arose. In the final settlement of the 
controversy Mr. Douglas acquiesced, but his enemies sought 
his destruction. They opposed his re-election in 1858 ; but, 
after one of the most eventful political contests in the Union, 
Mr. Douglas carried the State Legislature, and in January, 
1859, was re-elected to the Senate. 




-3V.- 



■CSiittre nom-a I>^ 




PTJBltSHSD BT J.C BHTTRE , 48 Jfl^AirKLXN" ST, NiS^N' ^OSZi 



IIERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, 

OF GEORGIA. 



Herschel V. Johnson was born in Burke county, Ga., 
on the 18th of September, 1812. In early life he enjoyed all 
the facilities for intellectual improvement which his native 
county afforded. At public schools he was prepared for col- 
lege, and in January, 1831, became a member of the Fresh- 
man class in the University of Georgia, and graduated in 
1834. Selecting the law as his profession, many of his lei- 
sure hours, while in college, were devoted to its study, and 
for months before his graduation, he repaired to the law school 
of Judge Gould, in Augusta, where, while attending a course 
of law lectures, he reviewed the college studies in which his 
class was engaged. By this double tax upon his physical 
and intellectual energies, he was enabled to stand his exami- 
nation in college in August, and in September following was 
admitted to the bar. 

He opened an office in Augusta, where he pursued his pro- 
fession until 1839, when he removed to Jefferson county, 
and soon acquired an extensive and lucrative practice. Like 
most young men of our country, political life held out to him 
its allurements, and with little resistance on his part he soon 
found himself engulfed in its vortex. Educated in the 
jirinciples of Democracy, he entertained sentiments of pro- 
found respect for them, and for all who consistently main- 
tained them. Through the j^ress and on the stump, in the 
ever memorable race between Van Buren and Harrison, he 
did his party important services. The gallant Glascock, who 
was then in the meridian of his renown, and who often wit- 
nessed his exploits, spoke of him as a youthful giant, who 
fought with burnished armor, and was able to compete with 
the'most stalwart of his foes. In June, 1841, in a State Con- 
vention of the Democratic party, held in Milledgevillej for 

2 



18 HERSCHEL V, JOHNSON. 

the purpose of nominating candidates for Congress (the State 
then electing by general ticket), Mr. Johnson was brought 
forward as a candidate for a seat. He, however, being a 
member of the Convention, withdrew his name in favor of 
Howell Cobb. 

In the spring of 1844, he located in the vicinity of Mil- 
ledgeville. The State, at this time, was divided into congres- 
sional districts, and Mr. Polk having been nominated for the 
Presidency, Mr. Johnson was unanimously selected by the 
Democratic Convention as the elector for the Seventh district. 

He was appointed to the United States Senate, and took 
his seat in that body on the 14th of February, 1848, and sus- 
tained the measures of Mr. Polk's administration. 

He was a delegate to the National Democratic Convention, 
held at Baltimore in June, 1848. On his return to Georgia, 
after the adjournment of Congress, he participated in the 
Presidential canvass then in progress. On reassuming his 
seat in the Senate, in December, he was elected chairman of 
the Committee on the District of Columbia. The career of 
Colonel Johnson in the United States Senate was brief, but 
it was brilliant. It was no small compliment to him that he 
stood high in the estimation of John C. Calhoun — that dis- 
tinguished senator having more than once declared he regard- 
ed him the ablest man of his age then in the Senate. 

In November, 1859, he was elected by the Legislature of 
Georgia, Judge of the Superior Court for the Ocmulgee Dis- 
trict. In this new and responsible position, he did not dis- 
appoint the expectations of those who placed him in it. 

Having been nominated a candidate for Governor, he re- 
signed his seat on the bench in August, 1853, was elected 
Governor on the first Monday of October, and inaugurated 
on the 9th of November. 

Judge Johnson, besides his political speeches, has, on sev- 
eral occasions, distinguished himself by his efforts in other 
fields. 

As a public speaker, he enjoys an enviable reputation. On 
the hustings he has few equals. As a man. Judge John- 
Bon's public and private character is without a stain. 

Without any adventitious circumstances to aid him, by 
mere force of talent and weight of character, he has won his 
way to a proud distinction among the leading spirits of the 
country. 



NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TLATFORM. 19 



NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC (Douglas) PLATFORM, 

PUT FOUTU AT CHARLESTON, APRIL, 18G0, AND AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 

23, 18GD, 



Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention 
assembled, do hereby declare our affirmation of the resolutions unan- 
imously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the De- 
mocratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that 
Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied 
to the same subject matters. 

Resolved, Tliat it is the duty of the United States to afford ample 
and complete protection to all citizens, whether at home or abroad, 
and whether native or foreign born. 

Resolved. That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, com- 
mercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be- 
tween the Atlantic and l*acific States, and the Democratic party 
pledge such constitutional power of the Government as will insure 
the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the eai-liest 
practicable period. 

Resolved, That the Democratic party are in fixvor of the acquisi- 
tion of Cuba on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and 
just to Spain. 

Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the 
feithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in charac- 
ter and subversive to the Constitution, and revolutionary in their 
effects. 

Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cincinnati Platform, 
that (luring the existence of Territorial Governments the measure of 
restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitu- 
tion on tiie power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of 
the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be 
finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should 
be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and 
fidelity by every branch of the General Government. 



JOHN C. BrvECKINRIDGE, 

OF KENTUCKY. 



John C. Breckinridge was born near Lexington, Ken- 
tucky, January 16, 1821. His father was an eruinent cler- 
gyman ; his grandfather served a term as United States Sen- 
ator, and fiUed the office of Attorney-General of the United 
States. 

Mr. Breckinridge received his education at Centre College, 
enjoyed the benefits of some months at Princeton, studied 
law at Transylvania Institute, and was admitted to the bar at 
Lexington. He emigrated to the Northwest, but, after some- 
thing less that two years spent in Burhngton, Iowa, he re- 
turned to his native State, and took up his abode at Lexing- 
ton, where he still resides. He entered immediately on the 
practice of his profession, and met with a well-merited 
success. 

The trump of war, however, excited his military ardor, 
and the result was creditable service as a major of infantry 
during the Mexican War. He also distinguished himself as 
the counsel for Major-General Pillow in the celebrated court- 
martial of that officer. 

On the return of Major Breckinridge from Mexico, he was 
elected to the Kentucky Legislature, and created so favorable 
an impression as a legislator that he was elected to Congress 
from the Ashland District, and, being re-elected, held his 
seat from 1851 to 1855. 

His career in Congress was marked by a devoted attention 
to his duties as a legislator. 

In the Thirty-second Congress he was instrumental in 
securing an appropriation for the completion of a cemetery 
near the city of Mexico, in which the remains of the Ameri- 
can officers and soldiers who fell in battle, or otherwise, in or 
near the city of Mexico, should be interred. He also itivored 
an appropriation for a weekly mail with the Pacific, and ad- 
vocated putting these contracts to the lowest bidder. 



22 JOHN C, BRECKINRIDGE. 

During tlie angry sessions of the Thirty-third Congress Mr. 
Breckinridge took an active part, as one of the Administra- 
tion leaders, and was drawn into a quarrel with Mr. Cutting, 
of New- York, which very nearly ended in a duel. Shortly 
after this affair — in which Mr. Breckinridge's coolness and 
firmness were highly commended — President Pierce tendered 
to him the mission to Spain ; but the honor was respectfully 
declined, family matters compelling Mr. Breckinridge to this 
course. He was a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention in 
June, 1856. Mr. Breckinridge was nominated for Vice-Pres- 
ident on the ticket with Mr. Buchanan, and was elected to 
that office in November, 1856. Thus, at the age of thirty- 
five, he had served his country abroad, had been a legislator 
in his State and in the National Legislature, had been ten- 
dered the representation of the Kepublic in Europe, and 
elevated to the second office in the gift of the people. 

As President of the United States Senate, he took the 
chair of that eminent body early in the first session of the 
Thirty-fifth Congress, December, 1857, and, with some inter- 
mission, caused by the illness of his family, presided during 
that stormy session. 

At the last session of the Kentucky Legislature, Mr. 
Breckinridge received the unsought-for nomination of his 
party for the United States Senate. He was elected to suc- 
ceed Hon. John J. Crittenden, from the fourth of March, 
1861, by twenty-nine majority on joint ballot. His senato- 
rial term would expire in 1867, had not the people determin- 
ed to elevate him to a higher position. 

Mr. Breckinridge possesses all those personal traits which 
endear the man as much to the masses as to his more imme- 
diate friends. He is a courtly and polished gentleman, chi- 
valrous and high-toned, the very soul of honor, a second 
Bayard in the battle-field, a man of intellect, honest and 
straightforward in the expression of his opinions, no politi- 
cian, no wire-puller, no trickster, prompt in decision, quick 
in execution, a very lion of the tribe of Jackson. He is by 
far the youngest of the more prominent men in the country, 
and it is with no little pride that his State'^ and his friends 
throughout the United States, may point to that fact. 




'■'^^o-. , 




Qj^-^/JlAJx d# : 



publishe: 



•la rBjiilKLUSr ST HEVrTOBJE. 



JOSEPH LANE, 

OF OREGON. 



Joseph Lane, the second son of John Lane and Elizabeth 
Street, was born in North Carolina, on the 14th of December, 
1801. In 1804, the father emigrated to Kentucky and set- 
tled in Henderson county. At an early age he shifted for 
himself, and entered the employ of Nathaniel Hart, Clerk of 
the County Court. In 1816, he went into Warwick county, 
Indiana, became a clerk in a mercantile house, married, in 
1820, a young girl of French and Irish extraction, and set- 
tled on the banks of the Ohio, in Vanderburg county. 

Young Lane soon became the man of the people among 
whom he had cast his lot. In 1822, then barely eligible, he 
was elected to the Indiana Legislature, and took his seat, to 
the astonishment of many older worthies. 

As farmer, produce-dealer, and legislator, many years 
rolled over his head, every year adding to his popularity as a 
man, both in his private and public capacity. He was fre- 
quently re-elected by the people, and continued to serve 
them, at short intervals, in either branch of the Legislature, 
for a period of twenty-four years. 

In politics. General Lane has always been of the Jefferson 
and Jackson school. Possessing a strong intellect, and a 
memory retentive of facts, and quick to use them, he has be- 
come thoroughly acquainted with the history and politics of 
the country. He supported Jackson in 1824, '28, and '32 ; 
gave his voice and energies for Van Buren in 1836 and 
'40, and Polk in 1844. 

In the spring of 1846, the war commenced between the 
United States and Mexico. Lane, then a member of the 
State Senate, immediately resigned, and entered Captain 
Walker's company as a private. 

At Saltillo, he was made civil and military commandant of 
that post by Major General Butler. 



24 JOSEPH LANE. 

The famous battle of Buena Vista was fought on the 223. 
and 23d of February, 1847. General Lane was third in com- 
mand. From the beginning to the end he was in the hottest 
of the fight. 

The battle of Tehualtaplan was the last fought in Mexico. 
Peace was soon declared, but General Lane remained some 
months directing the movements consequent upon the return 
of our troops. 

About the 1st of August, 1848, General Lane reached In- 
diana. On the 18th, he was appointed Governor of Oregon. 
On the 28th his commission reached him, and on the next 
day he set out for his post. 

On the 2d of March, 1849, about six months after his de- 
parture from home, he arrived safely in Oregon City. 

As Delegate from Oregon, General Lane was unremitting 
in his advocacy of the interests of the Territory, and untiring 
in his efforts for her admission into the Union. 

While Governor Lane was in Oregon, he was named for the 
Presidency by the Convention assembled at Indianapolis to 
revise the State Constitution of Indiana. The Democratic 
State Convention, which met February 24, 1852, formally 
presented his claims for the Chief-Magistracy, pledging the 
vote of the State to him. 

Gen. Lane has been the artificer of his own fortunes ; and, 
in his progress- from the farmer on the banks of the Ohio, 
and the commandant of a flat-boat, to posts of honorable dis- 
tinction — to a seat in the House of Representatives and in the 
Senate of Indiana — to the command of a brigade upon the 
fields of Buena Vista, Huamantla and at Atlixco — to the 
Governorship of Oregon, and thence to a seat in Congress — 
in all he has displayed the same high characteristics, perse- 
verance, and energy. 



NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 



NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC (Breckinridge) PLATFORlNf, 

PUT FORTH AT CILVRLESTON, APRIL 30, 18G0, AND AT IJALTIMORE, 
JUNE 23, 18C0. 



Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at 
Cincinnati is affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions : 

First — That the government of a Territory organised by an act 
of Congi-ess is provisional and temporary, and during its existence 
all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with 
their property in the Territory, without their rights, either of person 
or property, being destroyed or injured by Congressional or Territo- 
rial legislation. 

Second — That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its 
departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and 
property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional 
authority extends. 

Third — That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate 
population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty com- 
mences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they 
stand on an equal footing with the people of other States ; and a 
State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, 
whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of 
slavery. 

Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisi- 
tion of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to 
ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 

Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the 
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in charac- 
ter to, and subversive of, the Constitution, and revolutionary in their 
effect. 

Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States recognize it 
as an imperative duty of the Government to protect naturalized 
citizens in all their rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to 
the same extent as its native-born citizens. And, 

Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, 
commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy com- 
munication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge 
themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of 
some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, 
for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River 
or the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 



CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 15 



THE CINCINNATI PLATFOKM, 

PUT FORTH MAY 22, 1856. 



Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the 
intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the 
American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political 
creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world as a great 
moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld 
by ?he popular will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice 
of FederaUsm, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy 
the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too 
monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, Therefore, that entertaining these views, the Democratio 
party of this Union, through their delegates, assembled in general 
Convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to 
the doctrines and fi^ith of a free representative government, and ap- 
pealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, 
renew and reassert before the American people, the declarations of 
principles avowed by them, when, on former occasions, in genera] 
Convention, they have presented their candidates for the popular 
Buffrage. 

1. That the Federal Government is one of limited power, derived 
solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power made therein 
ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of 
the Government ; that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise 
doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Gov 
ernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of 
internal improvements. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Fede- 
ral Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the 
several States, contracted for local and internal improvements, or 
other State purposes, nor would such assumption be just or expe- 
dient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government 
to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to 
cherish the interest of one portion of our common country ; that 



16 CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 

every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand 
and insist upon au equality of rights and privileges, and a complete 
and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence 
and foreign aggression. 

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to en- 
force and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public 
affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required 
to defray the necessary expenses of the Grovernment and gradual but 
certain extinction of the public debt. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly ap- 
plied to the national objects specified in the Constitution, and that 
we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to 
the Constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to charter a National Bank ; that 
we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best in- 
terests of this country, dangerous to our Republican institutions and 
the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of 
the country within the control of a consecrated money power and 
above the laws and will of the people ; and the results of the Demo- 
cratic legislation in this and in all other financial measures, upon 
which issues have been made between the two political parties of 
the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all 
parties their soundness, safety, and utiHty in all business pursuits. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from 
banking institutions, is indispensable to the safety of the funds of the 
Government and the rights of the people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the 
qualified Veto power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions and 
responsibilities amply suificient to guard the public interests, to sus- 
pend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval 
of two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the 
judgment of the people can be obtained thereon ; and which has 
saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical dominion 
of the bank of the United States, and from a corrupting system of 
general internal improvements. 

10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the 
Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned by the Constitution, 
which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed 
of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Demo- 
cratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming 
citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with 
the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our 
statute-books. 

And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopt- 
ed by our predecessors in National Convention, an adverse political 
and religious test has been secretly organized by a party claiming to 
be exclusively Americans, and it is proper that the American Democ- 



CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 17 

racy should define its relations thereto ; and declares its determined 
opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name (hey may 
be called, 

Resolved, That the foundation of this Union of States havinp; been 
laid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free 
government, built upon entire freedom of matters of religious con- 
cernment, and no respect of persons in rojzard to rank, or ])lace of 
birth, no party can justly be deemed national, constitutional, or in 
accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive or- 
ganization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace. And 
hence a political crusade ia the nineteenth century, and in the 
United States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is 
neither justified by the past history or future prospects of the country, 
nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened freedom 
which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular gov- 
ernment. 

Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the 
well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional 
issue of domestic Slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the 
States — 

1. That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere 
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and 
that all such States are the sole and proper judges of everything ap- 
pertaining to their own afi\iirs not prohibited by the Constitution ; 
that all ettbrts of the Abolitionists or others made to induce Congress 
to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in 
relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and danger- 
ous consequences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency 
to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability 
and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by 
any friend of our political institutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended to em 
brace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and, there- 
fore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national 
platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts 
known as the Compromise measures, settled by the Congress of 1850 : 
" The act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included ;" 
which act being designed to carry out an express provision of the 
Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed or so changed 
as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 

3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing 
in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the Slavery question, under 
whatever shape or color .the attempt may be made. 

4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold 
the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 
1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia 
legislature in 1799 — that it adopts these principles as constituting 
one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to 
carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. 



18 CINCINNATI PLATFOEM. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sec- 
tional party, subsisting exclusively on Slavery agitation, now relies 
to test the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the Constitu- 
tion and the Union : 

1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and desiring the co- 
operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the 
Constitution, as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional par- 
ties and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil 
the States, and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the ter- 
ritories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must end in civil 
war and disunion, the American Democracy recognize and adopt the 
principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories 
of Nebraska and Kansas, as embodying the only sound and safe 
solution of the Slavery question, upon which the great national idea 
of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined con- 
servation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with Slavery 
in the Territories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850, confirmed 
by both the Democratic and Whig parties in National Conventions, 
ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to 
the organization of the Territoi'ies in 1854. 

3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to 
the organizatioa of Territories, and the admission of new States, 
with or without domestic Slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights 
of all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the 
Constitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion 
of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of embi'acing, in peace 
and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted 
or annexed with a Republican form of government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Ter- 
ritories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally 
and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actual residents, and 
whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Con- 
Btitution, with or without Domestic Slavery, and be admitted into 
the Union upon terras of perfect equality with the other States. 

Resolved, Jiiialbi, That, in view of the condition of the popular in- 
etitutions in the Old World (and the dangerous tendencies of sec- 
tional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and 
religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citi- 
zenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is involved, with 
increased responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this country, 
as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every 
State, and thereby the Union of the States — and to sustain and ad- 
vance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist aU 
monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the 
expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to 
those principles and compromises of the Constitution — which are broad 
enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it 



CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 19 

was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be — in the full ex- 
pression of the energies and capacity of this great and progressive 
people. 

1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign 
policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic question 
whatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to 
declare themselves in favor of free seas, and progressive free trade 
throughout the world, and, by solemn manifestations, to place their 
moral influence at the side of their successful example. 

2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position, with ref- 
erence to the other States of this continent, no less than the interest 
of our commerce and the development of our growing power, requires 
that we should hold sacred the principles involved in the Monroe 
doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction, 
and should be applied with unbending rigidity. 

3. Resolved, That the great highway, which Nature as well as the 
assent of States most immediately interested in its maintenance has 
marked out for free communication between the Atlantic and the 
Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements 
realized by the spirit of modern times, in the unconquerable energy 
of our people ; and that result would be secured by a timely and 
efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim 
over it, and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog 
its progress by any interference with relations that it may suit our 
policy to establish between our government and the governments of 
the States within whose dominions it lies ; we can, under no circum- 
stances, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all ques- 
tions arising out of it. 

4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an interest, the peo- 
ple of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which 
are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that 
portion of the continent which covers the passage across the inter- 
oceanic isthmus. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the next 
administration that every proper effort be made to insure our ascen- 
dency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection 
to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the 
products raised out of the soil and the commodities created by the 
industry of the people of our Western valleys and of the Union at large. 



CONSTITUTION 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



We the People of the United States, in order to form a more 
perfect Union, estabUsh Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, 
provide for the common Defence, promote the general Welfare, 
and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Pos- 
terity, do ordain and estabUsh this Constitution for the United 
States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

SECTION L 

All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con- 
gress of the United States, which shaU consist of a Senate and 
House of Representatives. 

SECTION II. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members 
chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and 
the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite 
for Electors of the most mmierous Branch of the State Legis- 
latm-e. 

2. No Person shall be a Representative who shaU not have at- 
tained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a 
Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an Lihabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States which may be included within this Union, ac- 
cordmg to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined 
by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those 
bomid to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration 
shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term 
of ten Years, in such manner as they shall by Law direct. The 

: Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty 

/ Thousand, but each State shaU have at least one Representative ; 

' and untU such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hamp- 

8hir(i shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode 



CONSTITUTION. 21 

Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New 
York six, New Jersey ibur, Pennsylvania eit^ht, Delaware one, 
Maryland, six:, Virginia ten, North Carolina live. South Carolina 
five, and Georgia tliree. 

4. When Vacancies hapjien in the lve])resentation from any 
State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue writs of Election 
to fill such Vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and 
other Orticers ; and shall have the sole l*ower of Impeachment. 

SECTION III. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall he composed of two 
Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for 
six Years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of 
the first Election, they shall be divided as ecpially as may ha into 
three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be 
vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class 
at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the 
Exjiiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every 
second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or other- 
wise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Exe- 
cutive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next 
Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. 

3. No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizeii of the 
United States, and Avho shall not, Avlien elected, be an Inhabitant 
of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice President of the United States shall be President 
of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally 
divided. 

5. The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a Presi- 
dent pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when 
he shall exercise the Otfice of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeach- 
ments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or 
Affirmation, When the President of the United States is tried, 
the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shall be convicted 
without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members j^resent. 

V. Judgment m Cases of Impeachment shall not extend fui'ther 
than to removal from Office, and Discpialification to hold and enjoy 
any Office of Honour, Trust or Profit under the United States : 
but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be fiable and subject to 
Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment according to Law. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Sena- 
tors and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the 
Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law 



22 • CONSTITUT/Olir. 

make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing 
Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and 
such Meetmg shall be on the first Monday ia December, unless 
they shall by Law appoint a different Day. 

SECTION V. 

1. Each House shaU be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and 
QuaHfications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall 
constitute a Quorum to do Business ; but a smaller Number may 
adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the At- 
tendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and mider such 
Penalties as each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determme the Rules of its Proceedings, 
punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- 
currence of two thirds, expel a Member. 

3. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from 
time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their 
Judgment require Secrecy ; and the Yeas and Nays of the Mem- 
bers of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one 
fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 

4. Neither House, durmg the Session of Congress, shall, without 
the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three Days, nor to 
any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION VL 

1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensa- 
tion for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of 
the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except 
Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from 
Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective 
Houses, and in going to and returning fi'om the same ; and for any 
Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in 
any other Place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shaU, during the Time for 
which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Ofiice under the 
Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or 
the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such 
time ; and no Person holdmg any Office under the United States, 
shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in 
Office. 

SECTION YII. 

1. AU BiUs for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of 
Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with 
Amendments as on other Bills. 

2. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- 
tives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented 
to the President of the United States ; If he approve he shall sign 
it, but if not, he shall return it, with his Objections to that House 



CONSTITUTION. 28 

In which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections 
at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after 
such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass 
the Bill, it shall be sent, together Avith the Objections, to the 
other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if 
approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But 
in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be deternuncd by 
Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and 
against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House 
respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been pre- 
sented to him, the Same shall be a law, in like Manner as if he 
had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent 
its Return, in wdiich Case it shall not be a Law. 

3. Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence 
of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary 
(except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the 
President of the United States ; and before the Same shall take 
Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, 
shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in 
the Case of a Bill. 

SECTION YIII. 

The Congress shall have Power 

1. To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay 
the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Wel- 
fare of the United States ; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall 
be uniform throughout the United States ; 

2. To borrow Money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the 
sevei-al States, and vnih the Indian Tribes ; 

4. To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform 
Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United 
States ; 

5. To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign 
Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures ; 

6. To pro-vdde for the Punishment of counterfeitmg the Securi- 
ties and current coin of the United States ; 

7. To estabUsh Post Offices and Post Roads ; 

8. To promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by secur- 
ing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive 
Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; 

9. To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court ; 

10. To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on 
the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations ; 

11. To declare War, grant Letters of jMarquc and Reprisal, and 
make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water ; 

12. To raise and support Armies, but no Apj^ropriation of 
Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years ; 

13. To provide and maintain a Navy; 



24 CONSTITUTION-. 

14. To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the 
land and naval Forces ; 

15. To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws 
of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions ; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the 
Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed 
in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respec- 
tively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of 
traming the Mihtia according to the Disciplme prescribed by 
Congress ; 

17. To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, 
over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by 
Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, 
become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to 
exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent 
of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the 
Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other 
needful Buildings ; — And 

18. To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other 
Powers vested by this Constitiition in the Government of the 
United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. 

SECTION IX. 

1. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the 
States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- 
hibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such 
Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. 

2. The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- 
pended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public 
Safety may require it. 

3. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. 

4. 'No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in 
Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed 
to be taken. 

5. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any 
State. 

6. No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Com- 
merce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another : 
nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay Duties in another. 

7. No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Conse- 
quence of Appropriations made by Law ; and a regular Statement 
and Account of the Receipts and "Expenditures of all public Money 
shall be published from time to time. 

8. No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States : 
And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, 
shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any Present, 



CONSTITUTION". \. i 

Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, iVoni rxny King, 
I'rince, or tbreign State. 

SKCTIOX X. 

1. No State sliall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederji- 
tion ; grant l^etters of Marque and Iteprisal ; coin Money; emit 
Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Ten- 
der in })aynient of Debts; pass any J5ill of Attainder, ex post iiicto 
Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any 
Title of Nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
Imposts or Duties on Lnports or P2x})orts, except what may bo 
absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws: and tlie 
net Produce of all Duties and Lnposts, laid by any State on Ln- 
ports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United 
States ; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and 
Controul of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any 
Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Sliips of War in time of Peace, 
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with 
a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in 
such imminent Danger as will not admit of Delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

SECTION I. 

1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the 
ITnited States of America, lie shall hold his Office during the 
Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen 
for the same Term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature 
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole 
Number of Senators and Representatives to which the* State may 
be entitled in the Congress : but no Senator or Representative, or 
Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, 
shall be appouited an Elector. 

[■" Tho Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two 
Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves. And they shall mal;c a List of all tlie Persons voted for, and of the 
Number of Votes for each; wliieh List they shall sign and certify, and transmit 
sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President 
of the Senate. Tho President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and tho Votes shall then be 
counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall bo the President, 
if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed ; and if 
there be more than one who have such Majoritv, and have an equal Number of 
Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of 
them for President; and if no Pir.«on have a Majority, then from the five highest 
on the List, the said Hous- shall in like manner ciiuse the President. But in 
chusing the President, tho Votes shaU be taken by Slates, tho Representation 

* This clause within brackets has been superseded and annulled by the 12tli 
amendment, on page 462. 



26 CONSTITUTION. 

from each State having one Vote ; A Quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a 
Member or Members from two thirds of tlie States, and a Majority of all the States 
shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after tbe Choice of the President, 
the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice 
President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the 
Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] 

3. The Congresa may determine the Tnne of chusing the Elec- 
tors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes ; which 
Day shall be the same throughout the United States. 

4. No Person except a natural horn Citizen, or a Citizen of the 
United States at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Per- 
son be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the 
Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident 
within the United States. 

5. In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of 
his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and 
Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice Pre- 
sident, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Re- 
moval, Death, Resignation, or Liability, both of the President and 
Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, 
and such Officer shall act accordmgly, until the Disability be re- 
moved, or a President shall be elected. 

6. The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, 
a Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished 
during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he 
shall not receive within that Period, any other Emolument from 
the United States, or any of them. 

1. Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take 
the following Oath or Affirmation : — 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute 
"the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best 
" of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
" the United States." 

SECTION II. 

1 . The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and 
ISTavy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, 
when called into the actual Service of the United States ; he may 
require the Opinion, in writing, of the princijial Officer in each of 
the executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the Duties 
of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Re- 
prieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except 
in Cases of Impeachment. 

2, He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent 
of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Se- 
nators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with 
the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 
and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
are not herem otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 



coNSTiTunoif. 27 

lished by Lavr : but the Congress may by Law vest tlie Appoint- 
ment of such mferior Officers as they think i)roper, in tlie President 
alone, in the Courts of Law, or m the Heads of Departments. 

SECTION ni. 

He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of 
the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration 
such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, 
on extraordmary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of 
them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, Avith res])ect to 
the Tunc of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as 
he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other 
public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully 
executed, and shall Commission all the officers of the United 
States. 

SECTION IV. 

The President, Vice President, and all civil Officers of the 
United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, 
and Conviction of. Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and 
Misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

SECTION I. 

The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one, 
supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may 
from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the 
supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold tlieir Offices durmg good 
Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a 
Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Contin- 
uance in Office. 

SECTION II. 

1, The judicial Power shall extend to aU Cases, in Law and 
Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United 
States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their 
Authority; — to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public 
Ministers, and Consuls ; — to all Cases of admiralty and maritime 
Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which the United States shall 
be a Party; — to Controversies between two or more States; — 
between a State and Citizens of another State ; — between Citizens 
of different States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming 
Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or 
the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. 

2. In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers 
and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the su]ireme 
Court shall have original Jurisdiction, In all the other Cases 
before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdic- 
tion, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under 
such Recrulations as the Congress shall make 



28 CONSTITUTION. 

3. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, 
shall be by Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where 
the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but when not com- 
mitted ^dthin any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places 
as the Congress may by Law have directed. 

SECTION UL 

1. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levy- 
ing War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving 
them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason 
unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, 
or on Confession in open Court, 

2. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of 
Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of 
Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person at- 
tainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

SECTION I. 

Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public 
Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedmgs of every other State. 
And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in 
^v^hich such Acts, Records and Proceedmgs shall be proved, and 
^.he Effect thereof. 

SECTION 11. 

1. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges 
and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. 

2. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or 
other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another 
State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State 
from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State 
having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 

3. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the 
Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any 
Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or 
Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the party to whom 
Buch Service or Labour may be due. 

SECTION in. 

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this 
Fnion ; but no new State shall be formed or erected withm the 
Jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be fornied by the 
Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the 
Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of 
the Congress. 

2. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all 
needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other 



CONSTITUTION. 50 

Property bclongiuG: to the United States; and nothiiicr in this 
Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of 
the United States, or of any particular State. 

SECTION IV. 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union 
a Republican Fonu of Government, and shall protect each of them 
against Invasion ; and on application of tlie Legislature, or of the 
Executive (when the Legislature ctuuiot be convened) against 
domestic Violenca 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem 
it necessary, shall pro^xjse Amendments to this Constitution, or, on 
the Api)hcation of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several 
States, shall call a Convention for proposmg Amendments, which, 
in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part 
of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three 
fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be pro- 
posed by the Congress ; Provided that no Amendment which may 
be made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight 
shall m any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses hi the Ninth 
Section of the first Article ; and that no State, -svithout its Consent, 
shall be deprived of its equal Sufi:rage in the Semite. 

ARTICLE YI. 

1. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered mto, before 
the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the 
United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which 
shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or 
which shall be made, imder the authority of the United States, 
shall be the supreme Law of the Land ; and the Judges in every 
State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the 
Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and 
judicial Oflicers, both of the United States and the several States, 
shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitu- 
tion ; but no religious Test sliall ever be required as a Qualification 
to any Office or public Trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be suffi- 
cient for the EstabUshment of this Constitution between the States 
so ratifvini? the same. 



50 CONSTITUTION. 

Do]snE in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States 
present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our 
Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of 
the Independence of the United States of America the Twelft,h 
In Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our 

GEO WASHINGTON— 

Presidt mid deputy from Virginia 

NEW HAIMPSHIRE. 
John Langdon, Nicholas Git.man. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Nathaniel Goeham, Rufus King. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sheeman. 

NEW YORK. 
Alexander Haisiilton. 

NEW JERSEY. 
Wil: Livingston, David Brearlet, 

Wm. Paterson, Jona. Datton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

B, Franklin, Thomas Mlfflin, 

RoBT, Morris, Geo : Clymer, 

Tho : FiTsiMONs, Jared Ingersoll, ^ 

James Wilson, Gouv: Morris. 

DELAWARE. 
Geo : Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun'r, 

John Dickinson, Richard Bassbtt, 

Jaco : Broom. 

MARYLAND. 
James M'Henrt, Dan: of St. Thos. Jenifer, 

Danl. Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 
John Blair, Ja^^ies Madison, Jr. 

NORTH CAROLINA, 
Wm. Blount, Rich'd Dobbs Spaight, 

Hu. Williamson. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 
J. RuTLEDGE, Charles Cotesworth Pink;net, 

Charles Pinknet, Pierce Butler. 

GEORGIA. 

William Few, Abr. Baldwin. 

Attest : WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 



A E T I C L E S 

In Addition to^ and Amendment of^ 
THE CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMEEICA, 

Proposed by Congress, and ratified hy the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant 
to the fifth article of the original Constitution. 

ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; 
or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government 
for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE II. 

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right 
of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not bo infringed. 

ARTICLE in. 

No Soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent 
ot the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no "Warrant? 
shall be issued, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or aflBrmation, and 
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be 
seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in 
tha land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War 
or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to bo twice 
put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to bo 
a witness against himself nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law ; uor shall private property be taken for public use, without just 
compensation. 

ARTICLE VL 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
public trial, b}' an impartial jury of the State and district, wherein the crime shall 
have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against him ; to have Compulsory process for obtaining 
Witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel lor his defence. 



32 CONSTITUTION. 



ARTICLE Vn. 

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, 
shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than accordmg 
to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIIL 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines miposed, nor cruel and 
unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to 
deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohib- 
ited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XL 

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any 
suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XIL 

1. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for Pre- 
sident and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the 
same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for 
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President, and 
they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all per- 
sons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which Usts 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; — The President of the 
Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; — The person having the greatest 
number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, 
then from the persons having the higliest numbers not exceeding three on the list 
of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme- 
diately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, 
and a majority of aU the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall 
devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice- 
President shall act as President, as in the case of death or other constitutional dis- 
abOity of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be 
the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose 
shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the 
whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the ofiQce of President shall be 
eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 



CONSTITUTION OF Till UNITED STATES, 



A\^^sHiisrGTO]sr's 



mmi'n xi 



r\%l ^:l ^7^ 



AND 



Three very beautiful engravings on steel, commemorative of America's 
independence, of the Union, and of the retiring of General Washington 
from the Presidency, after victory to our arms had been secured, and peace 
again invited to the pursuits of commerce. 

The Declaration is encircled by the Coat of Arms of the original 
thirteen States, -with a fine illustration of 

Tlic National ¥asliino1on Moimiiicut, 



THE MEMBERS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS SIGNING THE 
INSTRUMENT THE PLATE COMMEMORATES. 

The Constitution by an emblematical border, representing Justice, the 
American Eagle, Commerce, Agriculture, and a view of the 



The Address, by representations of important events in Washington's 
^ife — his Place of Birth, his Marriage, as a Farmer, the Field of Mon- 
mouth, Resigning his Commission, his Tomb, and a 




This set of prints is the most appropriate, and should find a place in the 
library, parlor, or drawing-room of every American, as the cost places 
them within the reach of all. 

PRICE 50 CENTS EACH; or, $1 FOR THE THREE. 

Size of Engraved Surface, 12x17 in. ; printed on paper 15x23 in. 

J. C. BUTTRE, 48 FRANKLIN STREET, NEW-YORK. 



S@* Copies carefully mailed, free of postage, on receipt of price. 
Agents wanted to canvass arid sell all over the United States. 



POETEAITS 



OF 



mihntial dlanbiht^s, 



BEAUTIFULLY ENGRAVED ON STEEL, 



MOSTLY FROM 



liiiri iiliiilf M Piif ilMPii, 



PRINTED ON PROOF PAPER, 11x15 INCHES. 



SUITABLE FOR FRAMING OR PRESERVING IN PORTFOLIOS. THEY 

ARE RELIABLE FOR THEIR CORRECTNESS AND BEAUTY OP 

EXECUTION, AND CONSIST OF THE FOLLOWING, VIZ. :— 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN, HANNIBAL HAMLIN. 
JOHN BELL, EDWARD EVERETT. 
STEPH. A. DOUGLAS, HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. 
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, JOSEPH LANE. 

I^KICE 25 CENTS E-A.CH. 



A Copy of either portrait sent, free of postage, on receipt of 
the price. 

Engraved and Published by J. C, BUTTRE, 

48 FRANKLIN STREET, NEW- YORK. 



SAflW ^AIICTI^ 



Jill JD^JJ'C^JUy 

BEAUTIFULLY PRINTED 



ON THE FINEST OF 



;ifE BM.WM. 



STEEL ENaRAVED PORTRAITS 



|)«siircntial Canbiilrotes. 



PRICE TEN CENTS Ei^LCH; 

OR, $S PER HUNDRED. 



J). Se BWTEi, 4M FEMICMl BTEilT, 



OKLERS FEOM CLUBS SOLICITED. 

SENT FREE, BY MAIL, ON RECEIPT OF THE PRICE. 



JUST ISSUED. 



^ ■ ■ » «. ^ 



A FULL LENGTH PORTRAIT 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 



This superb picture is engraved on steel, in the best style of 
mezzotint, of a size suitable for a parlor picture. It would also 
add much to the appearance of every Lincoln Club Koom in the 
United States. 



SIZE OF ENGRAVED SURFACE, 19x26 INCHES. PRINTED 
ON PAPER 26 X 34 INCHES. 



Price of Proofs, plain, . 


. . 


. $3 00 


" " India, 


• • • 


5 00 


" " colored, 


. 


. 5 00 



I^iablished by J. O. BUTTRE, 

48 FRANKLIN STREET, NEW-YORK. 



B@" The engraving is sent, free of postage, by mail, on receipt 
of the price. 

A good picture for agents to canvass with. 

^ff' We have made such arrangements that we can furnish them 
ready framed — boxed carefully and sent by Express. 

The price for the print and frame is $6 00. The frame will be a 
two-inch pearl, gilt; double hollow, gilt; or, rosewood G, gilt 
inside ; as may be selected. Fifty cents extra will be charged for 
boxing where only one is sent ; if two or more are sent in one box, 
there will be no charge for boxing. 



A CONTRAST TO THE WHITE HOUSE. 



THE 

EARLY HOME 

OP 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 

IN ELIZABETHTOWN, HAROIN COUXTV, KY. 



An exquisite picture, engraved on steel, from an ambrotypc taken 
on the spot, of the cabin where Abraham Lincoln once lived. Ilis 
father built this cabin, and moved into it when Abraham was an 
infant and resided there until he was seven years of age, when he 
removed to Indiana. 

Printed on proof paper 11 x 15 inches, suitable for framing or 
preserving in portfolios. 



I>IIICE 25 CENTS. 

ENGRAVED AND PUBLISHED BY 

J. C BUTTRE, 48 FRANKLIN STREET, N. Y. 



Sent free by mail on receipt of the price. 
Agents wanted to sell all over the United States. 



PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES 

OF THE 

Hon. J. C. BRECKINRIDGE 



AND THE 



Hon. JOSEPH LANE. 

IN ONE NEAT 8vo. PKICE 25 CTS. 



IT CONTAINS 



TWO PORTRAITS BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED ON STEEL, FACTS IN THE LIFE 

OF EACH, THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM , THE 

CINCINNATI PLATFORM, AND 

THE CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES. 



I>iablislied by J". O. BXJTTB;E, 

48 FRANKLIN STREET, NEW-YORK. 

Copies sent by mail, postage prepaid, on receipt of the price. 
AGENTS WANTED. 



-^^■» » » » » ^ 



THE ODIiyCE lE^IOTXJI^E 



Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 

Beautifully engraved on steel, and printed on the finest enamel 
card, about 4 X 6 inches in size. It is neatly enclosed in an en- 
velope, ready for delivery, or to send by mail. 

Kvery member of the Lincoln Clubs throughout the United 
States should possess a copy of this little gem. 

It is sent free by mail on receipt of the price, 

Engraved and Published by J. C. BUTTRE, 

48 Franklin Street, New-lTork. 

r^ A GOOD PICTURE FOR AGENTS TO SELL. 



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